Online Women-Seeking-Women Personal Ads and the Deployment of 'Tomboy' Identities

This article examines online women-seeking-women (WSW) personal ads that engage with tomboy identities and ideologies. This research demonstrates the importance of body and physicality among lesbian personal ads and the diversity of women using online personal ads. The meaning of "tomboy" in the language of WSW personal ads suggests major themes of use including: as an intermediate identity distinct within a butch/femme dichotomy, as a tempering agent for traditional femininity, as a fluid construct of personality, physicality, and body, as an understood descriptor of a particular aesthetic or physicality, and as synonymous with butch. To be a tomboy is to be simultaneously understood as a social stereotype, but also as complex, fluid, and of multiple meanings.

Keywords: personals; personal ads; tomboy; Craigslist; women-seeking-women; WSW

The Internet is an ever-expanding resource for the queer community. Like other socially disenfranchised populations (see Chiasson et al., [6]; Koch and Schockman, [25]; Ross and Kauth, [31]), the lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) community has found the Internet a particularly fruitful avenue to network with and locate peers. An important aspect of this online networking is the locating of potential romantic or sexual partners. Those who seek partners online may do so by joining a mainstream personals/dating pay site primarily servicing heterosexual clients, but offer woman-seeking-woman (WSW) as an option, as with Chemistry.com, or through sites serving only WSW such as Planetsappho.com or Pinkcupid.com. Given the costs affiliated with full access to these aforementioned sites, many also turn to the posting of free personal ads at sites such as Craigslist.org. Through free, easily posted personal ads women are able to seek a variety of partners and develop ads without the structural constraints of traditional personal sites. This exploratory research particularly examines a subset of WSW personal ads: those who identify as, seek, or engage with "tomboy" constructs within their personal ads. As the literature of personal ads continues to expand, the nuance and meaning of culturally specific terms offers rich opportunity for the understanding of subcultural identities and deployments.

The construction of a tomboy, often describing a masculine acting or athletic girl or a boy-like woman, has evolved over the last centuries in response to sociopolitical shifts in the American landscape (Abate, [1]). Tomboyism in recent years has often been affiliated with lesbianism or same-sex attraction among women (Hyde, Rosenberg, and Behrman, [24]; Rekers, [30]) and is often used as a derogatory label (Hemmer and Kleiber, [23]; Thorne, [33]). Some argue that a tomboy label identifies a cross-gendered or masculine identified female (Burn, O'Neil, and Nederend, [4]; Martin, [27]), while others argue that tomboy serves as a more androgynous female identity (Hemmer and Kleiber, [23]; Plumb and Cowan, [29]). The spectrum and variation of tomboy personifications in recent decades has ranged from the "feminine tomboy" (Halberstam, [20]) to the "pretty tomboy" (Abate, [1]), both of which engage heavily with constructs of heterosexuality. Regardless of era and culture, it is clear that women and girls who challenge traditional notions of hegemonic femininity and heteronormativity have always existed, what varies is the social response to and constructions of the tomboy.

As no research has yet to specifically examine tomboy identities in personal ads, this work has been informed firstly by the literature on LGBT personal ads and the Internet. Particular attention has also been paid to work on the linguistic use of "butch" and "femme" in WSW personal ads. Given the lack of tomboy personal ad data, the literature on butch/femme personals offers background on the spectrum of lesbian gendering. Finally, to bolster understandings of tomboy identification and meaning, research on the social experience and application of tomboy identities by women was examined.

While personal ads are used by a variety of people, gay men and lesbians have been particularly noted for their frequent use of personal ads to locate potential partners (Cockburn, [8]; Harris, [21]). Research has also suggested that lesbians, gay men, and bisexuals appear to use the Internet more than heterosexuals (Cooper, Delmonico, and Burg [10]; Cooper et al. [9]). Much of the literature investigating personal ads at large has particularly centered on those of heterosexuals (Davidson, [12]; Epel et al., [13]; Gibbs, Ellison, and Heino, [16]; Milewski, Hatala, and Baack, [28]). However, scholars have begun inquiry into the personal ads of gay men and lesbians (Bailey et al., [2]; Bartholome, Tweksbury, and Bruzzone, 2000; Child et al., [7]; Gonzales and Meyers, [17], Groom and Pennebaker, [18]; Gudelunas, [19]; Hatala and Prehodka, [22]; Lever et al., [26]; Smith and Stillman, [32]), bisexuals (George, [15]), and transgendered persons (Farr, [14]). In this literature lesbians are often only a segment of a larger research project garnering limited analysis and small sample sizes (for exception, Smith and Stillman, [32]).

The safety and anonymity of the internet offer a low risk and non-confrontational environment for LGBT persons to seek potential partners (Woodland, [34]). Indeed, lesbian women are found to not only post more and peruse more online personal ads than their heterosexual counterparts, but also report that these ads have resulted in more sexual encounters, relationships, and friendships (Lever et al., [26]). In addition to use differences between heterosexual and homosexual consumers, variation in content has been explored, particularly when contrasting gay men and lesbians. While gay men appear to emphasize physical attributes, lesbians appear to emphasize psychological attributes in their ads (Child et al., [7]). In contrast to gay men and heterosexuals, lesbians appear to post shorter ads, use shorter words and present tense verbs and are unlikely to describe their work or occupation (Groom and Pennebaker, [18]).

Smith and Stillman's ([32]) inquiry into the use of butch and femme terminology in WSW's personal ads is particularly informing for this current project. Drawn from a national sample of personal ads found in alternative gender/sexual minority newspapers, their research found that approximately 25% of the ads (97 of 388 ads) were from self-identified "butch" or "femme" women, with femme identified (14%) advertising more often than butch (11%). These terms were also used in the description of woman sought. However, 66% (256) of the ads did not include any reference to butch/femme. Among the ads that included butch/femme in the description of sought partner, 26% specified seeking femme, 5% sought butch, and 3% explicitly rejected butch women. Among those who self-identified as femme 56% requested another femme, 25% had no preference, and 18% sought butch. Among self-identified butch women, 74% sought femme, 19% had no preference, and 7% sought butch. From this research, it would appear that butch identified lesbians are less desirable for both femme and butch women alike.

Bailey et al. ([2]) pursued a similar inquiry of gender descriptor variation within print personal ads of gay men and lesbians. Among their sample of lesbian personal ads they found that about 30% included gendered self descriptions. The most common self-descriptors included "feminine," "athletic/likes sports," "top," and "dyke." As determined by these authors, 53% of advertisers described themselves as feminine, 37.5% self-described as masculine, and 9.5% self-described as androgynous. Similarly, approximately 30% of the ads described their preferred partner in gendered terms, with 75.5% seeking feminine women, 18.5% seeking masculine, and 6% seeking androgynous. Among all lesbian ads, 3% explicitly stated "no butch." A further aspect of their work surveyed lesbian women's responses to personal ads and found that lesbians were likely to discriminate against those they perceived as looking masculine, but did not do so based on behavior deemed masculine. They suggest that a butch personality or behaviors may be acceptable, but a lack of feminine presentation is problematic.

During interviews with self-identified tomboys, Carr ([5]) found a myriad of reasons for employing this identity. Likening tomboyism to a quasi-masculinity, many reported that it was just more "fun." Her subjects spoke to a variety of reasons to be a tomboy, especially as children, including the perceived limitations of women's lives as portrayed by their mothers, the threat of masculine violence, the desire to embrace masculine power, and as a way of attracting the attention of men, especially fathers. As adults many came to regard tomboyism as an act of resistance. They noted that a "tomboy" was not of a singular type, but embodied a variety of forms across a spectrum. They further argued that being a tomboy was not "playing" a role or acting as a tomboy, but was an act of "being"—one did not act like a tomboy; one simply was a tomboy.

Despite growing research addressing tomboy identities in literature and film (Abate, [1]) and lived experience (Carr, [5]), no research has sought to explicitly address tomboy identities in personal ads. The closest examinations of "masculine" women identities in personal ads had centered upon butch/femme dichotomous language. This exploratory project, while centering on online personal ads, will lay foundation for understanding the deployment of tomboy identities in the mate selection and marketing process of WSW.

Craigslist.org offers a rich data source for the analysis of personal ads. Established in 1995, Craigslist has grown to be the seventh largest English-language website globally, with over 20 billion page views globally per month including over 50 million unique visitors in the United States alone (Craigslist, [11]). This website organization has pages dedicated to over 700 locales in 70 countries, the majority being in the United States. Through this site, which offers a variety of classified ad sections and discussion boards, people may post free anonymous personal ads. Responding to these personal ads is also a free endeavor. The no-cost nature of this site makes for an appealing and accessible venue for potential interpersonal connections, limited only by one's ability to access the Internet.

Given the tremendous size of Craigslist it would have been impractical to attempt a sample of every city and location in the United States. Informed by the listing of top posting locales in the United States, 23 cities and areas were examined.[1] For each city there were hundreds of personal ads, among a variety of personal headings. The only personal ad types included in this sample were "women seeking women," "casual encounters," and "strictly platonic." While the terms included in this project, namely versions of tomboy, were found in a variety of heterosexual ads, they were not analyzed. In some cities personal ads can be traced back as much as four to six weeks; however, in the high Web traffic cities of this project, available personal ads may only go back a few days or a week.

An obstacle to collecting online personal ads is the ability of those placing ads to edit or delete their posting at any time, resulting in a constantly changing pool of ads (Gudelunas, [19]). To increase the validity of sample comparisons, systematic data collection occurred in late December 2009. Personal ads were collected that included at least one of the following terms: tomboy(s), tom boy(s), tomboi(s), or tom boi(s).[2] The text of all personal ads was entered into an electronic database for coding, all images were digitally cataloged, and all ads including pictures were printed. As it is free to post personal ads at this site, some advertisers post frequently. When identical ads were posted on the same day they were reduced to one ad for analysis. Postings on different days or with different content were included in the sample. The final sample included 168 personal ads.

These ads were analyzed quantitatively and qualitatively. The photographs were first coded to determine those that referenced the person advertising versus miscellaneous imagery such as scenery, words, objects, or lesbian celebrities. Further analysis of the self images explored whether they replaced or complemented textual descriptions of body and race. Among ads that used imagery to replace body or racial descriptors, further coding examined race.

The ads were fairly well spread among the 23 areas included in the sample, with the most ads occurring in Houston (n = 17) and the fewest in Washington, DC (n = 1). The mean number of ads per area was 7.3, with a median of 7. Given the geographic spread of tomboy personal ads, there does not appear to be a regional affect in the utilization of this term. It would seem that the use of tomboy in personal ads occurs at relatively the same rate nationally, suggesting that lesbian culture, insofar as the use of tomboy, has a fairly agreed-on understanding of this term.

Of the 168 ads, nearly 90% (n = 149) included age. The average age was 26.6 years, with a median of 25 years; ages ranged from 18 to 69 years of age. The relatively low age of the average advertiser may be accounted for by a number of possibilities including greater likelihood of computer use by younger individuals, more effort by younger individuals to find romantic partners online in general, and perhaps more single or available individuals who are younger.

Consistent with other research on lesbian personal ads, the majority of these ads were seeking long-term relationships. Among these personal ads, the majority (∼84%) were posted among "women seeking women," with 11% being posted under "casual encounters," and 5% occurring under "strictly platonic." WSW, regardless of relationship type sought, primarily advertise within the WSW section, even if they are seeking a one-time-only or casual sexual encounter.

This data set revealed a racially diverse sample of advertisers. Over half of the advertisers (58%) included some reference to their racial/ethnic identity in their advertisement. While many of these women (78.6%) explicitly stated a racial/ethnic identity in the text of their ad, with some also complementing content with photographs, some (21.4%) relied solely on photographs to indicate or suggest race. While coding images for race without textual content is problematic, social interpretation is all that is available to the consumers perusing these ads. Undoubtedly, these advertisers are expecting audience interpretation based on physical cues alone. These picture-only ads were coded as being racially White, African American, or Latina. While this classification is reductionist, there were few photos that led the researcher to a racially ambiguous or multi-racial conclusion. The breakdown of racial-ethnic identification among advertisers was approximately 41.8% white, 26.5% African American,[3] 15.3% Latina/Hispanic, 3.1% Asian, and 13.3% Multi-racial.[4] While not representative of all WSW, this indicates that an understanding of tomboy identities occurs across all racial/ethnic groups. Certainly, the significant presence of ads by women of color may be a reflection of not only shifting cultural demographics, but both the diversity of WSW and the accessibility of this venue to a variety of groups and socio-economic classes. It would seem that the free nature of Craiglist makes for one of the most democratic online resources for meeting potential partners. This said, the high level of diversity may also be indicative of the locales surveyed. As the most frequently visited sites are located in primarily urban centers, diversity is expected to be high.

A central component of many personal ads was the description of the body, be it one's own or that sought. Within the text of the ads, 61.3% (n = 103) described their own bodies. Of these women, about half (n = 52) described both their own body and the body sought. A small percentage of women, 4.2% (n = 7), did not describe themselves, but did describe the body sought. Among the self-describers, 39.8% employed only qualitative descriptors (e.g., tall and slender), 22.3% employed only quantitative descriptors (e.g., 5'1," 121 lb.) and 37.9% employed a mix of qualitative and quantitative descriptors. Among the descriptions of women sought, 72.9% were qualitative, 8.5% were quantitative, and 18.6% were a combination. Among descriptions of women sought the most commonly mentioned attributes were height (particularly giving an upper limit), and general body type such as slender, athletic, or full figured.

Approximately a third (35.1%; n = 59) of all postings included at least one picture to complement the text of their ads. More than half (n = 35) of these ads included pictures to represent themselves, while 40.7% used pictures of other things such as objects, words, or celebrities. The use of extraneous imagery may seem surprising, but it actually functions to encourage more women to read one's ad. Before opening an ad, one only sees some basic information such as ad heading, date, age, and whether a picture is attached. Pictures likely attract more ad views, even if irrelevant. Among those who included pictures of themselves, 57.1% (n = 20) used the picture to complement a textual description of body, while 42.9% (n = 15) used pictures to substitute entirely for a textual description. The content of these images were not further analyzed quantitatively, but will be discussed qualitatively.

Clearly, body is a common component of tomboy WSW personal ads, with over 60% of women articulating a self-description and another 9% using pictures to demonstrate their body. Counter to Child et al.'s ([7]) findings that lesbians emphasize psychological attributes in their personal ads, this sample clearly demonstrates the centrality and importance of body among WSW. This suggests that partner selection criteria among lesbian personal ads may be changing, at least for this sample. While psychological characteristics continue to play a role in partner selection, the physical attributes of partner choice and self-advertising are taking an increasingly important role within WSW personal ads.

The context in which the term tomboy was used varied among these personal ads. Over half (56.5%) of the ads used tomboy to only describe themselves, while about a quarter (27.4%) used it to only describe the woman they sought. Three percent used the term to describe themselves as tomboys who sought tomboys and another 3.6% used tomboy to describe themselves and to explicitly reject potential tomboy suitors (i.e., "no tomboys"). Less than 1% of all ads used the term ambiguously. Finally, 8.9% of the ads only used the term to explicitly reject potential suitors that may identify as tomboys. All in all, tomboy is predominately used as a descriptors in positive or factual manners, with only 12.5% of all ads using it as a disqualifying characteristic.

Central to this inquiry was the use of the term tomboy. As previously indicated, the purpose of its deployment was almost always to define one's self, what one sought in a potential partner, or both. While it is quantitatively useful to understand the frequency of each type of use, this does not convey the entire story—the construct of a "tomboy" is nuanced and varied. An examination of the diverse meanings and cultural implications embodied by this obtuse construct can only be achieved through a critical qualitative close read. The subject affiliated with tomboyism (self or potential partner) is of lesser importance; what matters is what this term is understood to mean.

Throughout all personal ads, there was clearly an expectation that the reader of the ad not only understood the meaning of "tomboy," but likely shared a common cultural understanding and interpretation of this term. Unlike abbreviations or terms specific to personal ads or lesbian culture, such as BBW (big beautiful woman), HWP (height weight proportionate), or DDF (drug and disease free), not a single ad sought to define or indicated an ambiguity about the tomboy. Superficially, it would appear that this identity is such a culturally mainstreamed persona that there is the assumption of a mutually agreed-on construct of the tomboy. However, closer reads of the personal ads reveals several differing, yet related themes of deployment and meaning: (1) tomboy as an intermediate identity distinct within a butch/femme dichotomy, (2) tomboy as a tempering agent for traditional femininity, (3) tomboy as a fluid construct of personality, physicality, and body, (4) tomboy as an understood descriptor of a particular aesthetic or physicality, and (5) tomboy as synonymous with butch.

The most common use of tomboy among these ads was in the construction of an identity within the traditional femme/butch dichotomy. Many women used tomboy to indicate an identity as neither butch nor femme, but as located in between. One can liken this usage to the identification of a bisexual within a hetero/homosexual binary—often a "middle," but distinct, identity within a spectrum. This usage was almost always tempered by voicing a leaning towards one end of the spectrum or the other. For example: "I'm not butch or ultra-girly—more like a feminine tomboy," and "I like tom boys, but NOT butch" or "love love love tom boys/soft studs/soft butches" and "I'm a 'mix between a tomboy & soft stud.'" A less common use of tomboy within the spectrum of butch/femme was to suggest an androgynous or gender-queer identity or descriptor, as with "tomboy/andro," "my look would be described as androgenous/boyish. def. a tomboy," or "I'm not girly girly nor am i a tom boy I'm in the middle mostly." Among these women, there appears to be a mutual understanding of the traditional gendered constructs of butch/femme and they are using a tomboy identity to queer this gender binary. This may suggest that the traditional lesbian gender dichotomy is expanding to include a third gendered identity. Yet, the hegemonic ideology of this dichotomy is perpetuated by the referencing of the binary in comparison to tomboy. Beyond the possibility of this third lesbian gender construct, one may alternately regard the tomboy as a queering of the traditional dichotomy—as an act of resistance and identity expansion.

Expanding on tomboyism as an identity emergent within the spectrum of butch/femme, some women are particularly using it to challenge or temper traditional stereotypes of femininity. This was most evident at the intersections of physicality and personality descriptors. Many used this term as a way to describe their personality or psychological attributes, especially after first describing their body in feminine terms, as with "i dress like a gurl but ima tomboy at heart" or "long haired tomboy." Others connected tomboy identities with interests and pastimes, such as athletics and sport or outdoor activities. One woman, for example stated "cute tomboy type. I read a lot, write songs & play guitar, I'm into graphic novels and indie music. I climb, hike and do tai-chi." This approach to engaging with tomboy identities as a means of countering stereotypes affiliated with an outwardly feminine portrayal works to both expand and challenge traditional constructs of femininity.

While the challenging of traditional femininity was achieved by some with the use of tomboy to temper physical/personality synthesis, others utilize tomboy as a term to encompass a fluid and ever-changing construct of personality, physicality, and body. As one posting poignantly stated "I'm a tomboy/boi but still slightly femmey (wear make-up/get pedicures, etc)—I just hate labels b/c I really [feel] like I'm pretty fluid." Also, a number of ads engage with tomboy identification, but include activities or personality markers that indicate a blending of traditional masculinity and femininity, as one stated "I'm a tomboy that has her girly moments, that's just the way I am" or another who spoke of enjoying "camping, boardgames, music, movies, cooking, scrapbooking, hiking, being outdoors. ... I am femme but have tomboy tendencies." Tomboy may serve as a way of resisting lesbian gender labels and definition, allowing women to develop a more complex and inclusive identity. They may speak to their interests and engagement in behaviors, aesthetics, pastimes, and personality characteristics, which may be traditionally masculine, but may also engage with traditionally feminine ones as well. I argue that this form of deployment works to queer traditional ideologies of lesbian womanhood to synthesize both traditionally feminine and masculine attributes—to be a tomboy is to be both simultaneously, but with the recognition that one's location and identity can vary markedly at any given time.

A number of women used tomboy not to convey psychological or personality attributes, rather as part of body description. This suggests that to be a tomboy is not merely about identity, but is also affiliated with stereotypes of physical presentation. Several women explicitly incorporated tomboy to complement their physical descriptions, for example "tall and kind of busty, a busty tomboy," "As for the physical, im a bit of a tomboy, im usually in the old leather jacket and tight blue jeans," or "5'4 about 170 thick, tomboy/femme." Others used tomboy to reference a clear aesthetic, as one described herself "I have a tomboy kind of style, jeans, t-shirt and converse kinda girl, though I do have a LBD (lil black dress) in the back of my closet and yes, I can totally rock it." Many who employed tomboy within self-descriptions of body aesthetic, as demonstrated by these examples, also tempered its use with indicators of gender orientation, particular with a leaning toward a feminine aesthetic. To associate oneself with the physical embodiment of the stereotyped tomboy image was acceptable primarily if it was accompanied with femininity, perhaps to differentiate a tomboy aesthetic from that of a butch.

Among those who did not explicitly describe their own bodies, many used tomboy as a pseudo-descriptor. Here tomboy can function on two levels, as an aesthetic descriptor, but also in part as a stereotype of physicality. Several examples include "my name is [removed], 25, asian tomboy, a cook and kind of a nut," "super cute tomboy type," or "I'm a single, mature, stable and confident AA3 tomboy." This approach again highlights the intersectionality of body and personality.

The affiliation of a tomboy with a butch identity is a final noteworthy finding. Some women used terms in an explicitly synonymous fashion, as with "Stud/Butch/Tomboy" or "somewhere in the Stud, Tomboy, Butch region." This type of use was particularly found among ads when describing tomboys as potential romantic partners. In these ads, when describing the type of woman sought, women were likely to group tomboys with other "butch" identities, as with "I like soft-butchies/butch /tomboy/etc.," "Not looking for a tomboy or dyke," or "You: Tomboy, Boi, Andro, Stud, Butch." The authors of these ads use tomboy synonymously with ideologies of butch constructs. While some women note the tomboy as a distinct identity, they essentialize it as a subgroup of butch lesbians.

Clearly, the construct of a tomboy is a complex phenomenon encompassing personality and physicality, lesbian gendering, and assumptions of a cohesive cultural familiarity with the tomboy. While several major forms and themes of deployment are found among these personal ads, it should be understood that these uses do not work in isolation. Some personal ads engaged with multiple uses of the term tomboy and some may be argued as fitting into differing categories of use. Regardless, it is clear the understanding and use of tomboy in WSW personal ads is far from simple and unanimous in meaning—tomboy is a concept of many, dynamic, meanings.

The women of this sample are using tomboyism in their personal ads for a variety of purposes. Throughout these ads, no clear, singular definition of what a tomboy is can be determined. Indeed, these ads highlight the diversity of meaning and beliefs affiliated with tomboy identities. That said, there is also a broad stereotyped ethos at play informing a general social construct of what is a "tomboy." As with many social constructs, there may be a stereotyped generalistic understanding of this concept, but its meaning is far from simple or stable. Despite a fair number of negative or derogatory applications of tomboy among these personal ads, many who use this term do so in a manner that treats tomboyism in a positive manner, constructing it as a socially desirable or acceptable persona. While often imbued with "masculine" or at least androgynous attributes, it is frequently tempered to engage with feminine attributes. Doing so may encourage lesbians to regard tomboy not only as a valued unique lesbian gender identity, but it may also queer cultural understandings of the traditional lesbian butch/femme spectrum.

Broadly speaking, WSW engage with tomboy in personal ads as a way of speaking to the complex creation of an individual—body, personality, interests, and aesthetics. Using a tomboy self-descriptor, especially when relevant to aesthetic or body, offers a particularly stereotyped quasi-butch androgynous body image. However, when describing demeanor, tomboy appears to be especially regarded as a relatively desirable characteristic, at least if the body description is feminine. A woman who appears feminine but who has a tomboy personality is often portrayed as desirable. However, to be a butch woman physically would, for many, trump a tomboy personality, creating a less desirable partner.

Tomboy is being used by WSW of varied ages and bodies who are seeking relationships ranging from long-term to casual sex. As evidenced by this research, despite variation the use of online personal ads among those engaging with tomboy ideologies are likely to be young, but racially diverse. Contrary to prior research (Child et al., [7]), this sample clearly demonstrates that WSW, many likely lesbian, are not centering their interests primarily upon psychological attributes of potential partners, but are actively articulating and engaging with the prioritizing of physicality and body. This appears particularly true with regards to partner height and weight or size.

Similar to Carr ([5]) many of these ads suggest that a tomboy identity is not a singular identity, but is diverse and varied, within a spectrum of female, particularly lesbian, gendering.

Ultimately, despite similarities, tomboys are recognizable as a distinct construct from the traditional butch/femme dichotomy. To be a tomboy offers the opportunity to queer these stereotyped personifications, but can also serve as a distinct identity. While the image of a tomboy engages a myriad of stereotypical images of body and behavior, the tomboy identities and deployments in personal ads demonstrate the variety and flexibility of being a tomboy. While cultural norms about tomboys may affirm a stereotyped form of femininity, these ads suggest the complex manners in which tomboy is deployed and understood within the lesbian community—to be a tomboy speaks not only to gendered behaviors, but to aesthetics, psyche, and classification of lesbian womanhoods.