European Education, European Citizenship? On the Role of Education in Constructing Europeanness.

On the Role of Education in Constructing Europeanness 1. An unpopular union

In 1993, with the signing of the Treaty on European Union (TEU), a new form of political organization was created. The then twelve member states of the European Communities agreed on building an economic, political, and monetary union on an existing economic community.[1] The new political nature of the EU is reflected in article 8 of the TEU, which describes the concept of European citizenship--with accompanying citizens' rights.

Any democratic political entity must rely on public support and legitimacy. And indeed, one of the most pressing problems the European Union faces is its enduring unpopularity in the eyes of member-state citizens. For example, the voting rates in the European Parliament elections have in most member states remained well below those of the national elections. Periodic Eurobarometer polls have pointed out that a great majority of member-state nationals do not identify themselves with Europe, nor do they feel themselves "Europeans" (Obradovic 1996; Bakke 1995).

Since the mid-1980s, the EU has launched several measures to enhance its own popularity and to promote the image of Europe and European integration among European citizens. The objective has been to build "A People's Europe," or "A Citizens' Europe" through various measures--ranging from common stamps and burgundy-colored EU passports to tax levies for migrant workers. Among the most important policies expected to contribute toward this aim are the "EU education programs," transnational schemes typically fostering the mobility of students, teachers, trainees, and graduates--as well as other forms of academic and educational cooperation.

2. Europeanness through education and training?

It has become commonplace to think of the academic mobility programs as instruments contributing toward the "four freedoms" of the internal market: the free movement of capital, services, people, and goods. One of the official aims of EU education programs is eventually to establish an "open education space," where mobility would be uninhibited by national barriers. The work done toward improving the comparability and recognition of foreign degrees and other qualifications also contributes toward this aim.

However, there are other lines of reasoning. It is often suggested that education is the primary instruments with which people can be socialized to think and feel as Europeans, an instrument through which a European identity or feeling of European citizenship could be nurtured in them. Proponents of integration have noted the significance of education and culture in promoting political integration, and commonly refer to the words of Jean Monnet in his old days: "If I could start all over again, I would start with culture" (cited in Papcke 1992, p. 68).

There are several ways in which educational cooperation could support the creation of European citizenship. Firstly, study abroad brings one into enduring contact with other national and regional culture and provides a point of comparison for one's own culture. Thus, it might increase peoples' awareness of their "common European cultural heritage," characterized by the diversity of local, regional, and national cultures. Second, educational cooperation is typically an image-enhancing activity for the European Commission. The EU has sought to employ the aura of general beneficiality surrounding education. According to EU education-policy statements, education promotes equality; prevents social exclusion, racism, and xenophobia; fosters socioeconomic welfare; and makes individuals more able to exercise their rights as European citizens. Thus, education is characteristically one area in which young people may feel they have a "stake" in European integration (Brine 1995, p. 152).

Third, the right of transnational free movement for professional or study purposes which must be regarded as the cornerstone of European citizens' rights--crystallizes in European student mobility. And fourth, educational cooperation is the most efficient way in which the EU organs may seek to influence national curricula; to bring a European dimension to them, and thus to impact on the political socialization of future Europeans.

Educational cooperation has been used as a vehicle to promote communication, solidarity, and friendly relations between the European peoples. Erasmus,[2] undoubtedly the most widely known exchange program of the EU to date, was launched in 1987 as part of the People's Europe--project, in order to create a cadre of European-minded, highly trained graduates (de Wit 1995). Two years later, Lingua[3] was established to support the teaching and learning of European languages and thus to contribute toward heightened cultural awareness. The largest current EU education program, Socrates,[4] was launched to "develop the European dimension in studies at all levels so as to strengthen the spirit of European citizenship, drawing on the cultural heritage of each member state" (CEC 1987, CEC 1989, OJL 87/1982).

It is assumed that if the European Union is to grow into a true political entity, it must give ever greater consideration to the education of European citizens. The theoretical section of this paper draws on research on the role of education in nation-building, and on conceptions of citizenship. After this, a typology of conceptions of European citizenship of EU education-policy discourses is presented.

3. Education, nation-building, and national citizenship

The origins and functions of educational systems have in recent decades been discussed intensely. Representatives of one school of thought, often called institutional theory, have pointed out how the creation of a state-controlled schooling system and educational legislation was a crucial feature of the ideological construction of the nation-state in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, after the declaration of independence of the United States and the French Revolution.[5] There is evidence of similar patterns of development in education--and in other branches of state machinery and public policy--in several Western European countries. The ideological premises and the institutional bases of general education are and have been transnationally surprisingly uniform (Ramirez and Rubinson 1979; Ramirez and Boli 1987a, pp. 2-9).

During the past 200 years, the world has seen a series of educational expansions in which both the length and comprehensiveness of general, vocational, and higher education has increased dramatically. The "massification" of schooling during the twentieth century has everywhere in the world coincided with the expansion of state symbolic and bureaucratic authority. The governments have subjected their educational institutions, practices, and curricula to greater state control, both through funding and legislation. The ministries of education have extended their control to admission criteria, curricula, teachers' qualifications, and systems of examinations. The history of latest educational expansions after World War II is also the history of the final triumph of the sovereign, territorial nation-state (Hufner, Meyer, and Naumann 1987, p. 195; Ramirez and Boli 1987b, pp. 160-161; Ramirez and Rubinson 1979).

Educational expansion is only one--albeit very important--component in the process of extension of state authority, in which more and more formerly private spheres of life have been taken under the aegis of state regulation. Some writers refer to "institutional world culture," pertaining to the globally institutionalized cultural rules, beliefs, or "theories" according to which nation-states are constructed (Ramirez and Boli 1987b). Expansion of national educational systems is one of the "institutional recipes" for creating modem nations--a formula that has been accepted by both elites and national populations (Meyer 1977; Boli-Bennett 1979). Modem educational systems, among other societal subsystems, provide important cognitive and normative descriptions of society in addition to being socializing and allocation systems. Hence, education is both a theory of knowledge and a theory of personnel, as well as a major agency of socialization (Kamens 1988, p. 114; Meyer 1977).

However, not only states but also individuals and more importantly, the relationship between the two--must be constructed. Educational expansion is also a state response to a growing perceived need to secure the political loyalty of the people: to implement the values of good citizenship in children and youth as effectively as possible. This is why Ramirez and Rubinson (1979) have called education a system of creating members. Education is regarded as the prime vehicle of socialization: of creating citizenship, nationality, and national identity (Kamens 1988, pp. 115-18; Bendix 1964). As a result, the acquisition of educational qualifications and degrees becomes an initiation rite, a passage from childhood to adulthood. It is only through undergoing a given phase of education that a person acquires full and equal membership of the society.

Citizenship is a modem representation of the individual-state relationship. It is also an institution that mediates between the Western individualistic educational ideology (encouraging every individual to reach his/her fullest potential) and the state-led educational systems. These very forms of ideology and structure form a part of the state model, which is transnationally uniform, especially in the Western world. Furthermore, education legitimates and reproduces the existing societal order. It mediates between the social background and the future socioeconomic position of the individual through its selection function (Boli and Ramirez 1986).

The periodic educational expansions in the world system have been closely related to the need to produce productive and loyal citizens, demanded by capitalism and the modem nation-state (Hufner, Meyer, and Naumann 1987). The modem educational system not only is an important part of the rationalized societal model--with progress and modernization as its key objectives-but simultaneously reflects the institutionalization of the modem rationalized conception of the individual.

The gradual construction of the European Union is a process largely analogous to the beginning of the construction of the modem state. As was the case 200 years ago, economic and political activities will to at least some extent take place on a larger scale than heretofore. However, popular support for this project is diminishing, because the benefits accruing to individuals from economic and political integration are not easily perceived. Furthermore, new inequalities may emerge. It is commonly expected that the consolidation of the Single Market will at least in the first instance bring benefits to the upper social classes of the member states; that is, the best educated, linguistically able groups in professions demanding academic training. To correspond to, support, and legitimate the economic integration process, a new political dimension, that of European citizenship, has been created for the EU.

4. National citizenship

The definitions of national citizenship (membership of a sovereign state) have largely been based on the triad of universal civil, political, and social rights, introduced by T.H. Marshall during the 1940s and 1950s. Civil rights broadly include the basic human rights (rights necessary for individual freedom): liberty of the person, freedom of speech, thought, and faith, the fight to own property and to conclude valid contracts, and the right to justice. Political rights include the right to participate in an exercise of political power, as a member of a body invested with political authority or as an elector of such a body (the universal right to vote and stand for elections).[6] Social rights, on the other hand, include the fight for welfare and economic security, and certain cultural rights (right to share to the full in the social heritage and to live the life of a civilized being according to the standards prevailing in the society, including the right to education) (cited in Rees 1995, p. 5).

Marshall's approach to conceptualizing citizenship has been widely accepted. However, during the 1980s and 1990s--as discussion on the transformation of welfare state has brought citizenship back into focus-other viewpoints have been presented. Heater (1990) elevates some new elements next to the traditional citizenship rights: identity and citizens' virtue. Virtue refers to the dispositive action-dimension of "good," orthodox citizenship.

As a separate dimension, Heater includes proper education for citizenship, which he regards as an integral part of the concept. He distinguishes between the proper knowledge, skills, and attitudes inculcated by the schooling system. Heater does not confine citizenship to the nation-state alone, but regards it as possible on a subnational (local), or supranational (continental or global) basis. (Heater 1990, p. 319.)

Other conceptions have recently been suggested by researchers approaching citizenship as a practice (see for instance Wiener 1996; Stewart 1995). According to them, citizenship can be seen as consisting of the three dimensions of rights, access, and belonging. The first of these refers to the traditional citizens' rights. "Access" refers to the extent to which a citizen at a given time can actually enjoy the rights conferred on him. Thus, it focuses on the mechanisms of political inclusion and exclusion. These mechanisms, in mm, determine the actualization of the "ideal" of political and socio-economic equality. The inclusion of this dimension to the concept of citizenship has been promoted above all by feminist and antiracist groups.

The third dimension, "belonging," refers to two things. First, it pertains to what is usually denoted by "identity": the cognitive, affectual, and dispositive identification with a given group or territory. Or, as Wiener (1996) expresses it, participation in its economic, social, and cultural spaces. Second, it refers to nationality, that is, the legal division between members and nonmembers of a given polity.

Yet another definition of citizenship has been presented by Kratochwil (1994), who claims that citizenship has always been a place of struggle-struggle over locations of boundaries between citizens, and the implicitly constructed "noncitizens." These boundaries, in turn, constitute us as individuals. According to Kratochwil, citizenship should not be regarded as a status or an attribute of individuals, but as an "instituted process." Citizenship is an outcome of political, legal, and symbolic practices, through which universal conceptions of citizenship are filtered. He understands citizenship as "a space within discourse on politics that institutionalizes identities and differences by drawing boundaries, both in terms of membership and in terms of actual political practices that are connected with this membership."

The conceptions of citizenship as a practice or as a result of boundary-drawing struggles help to see the relativity of the idea. Citizenship is not something that is totally present or absent, but something that exists in different degrees at different times concerning different groups of individuals.

5. European citizenship

European citizenship was given a constitutional status in the Treaty on European Union (TEU) in 1993. According to Article 8 of TEU, every national of the member states is also a citizen of the Union. The Treaty refers explicitly to (1) the right to move and reside freely anywhere in the member states, (2) the universal right to vote and stand as a candidate in (a) municipal elections of the member state or residence, and (b) in elections of the European Parliament; (3) protection by diplomatic or consular authorities of any member state in third countries; and (4) right of petition to the European parliament and to the ombudsman. The Union citizenship does not replace or exclude national citizenship, but rather extends some of the citizenship rights to be enjoyed at the supranational level, too.

If one compares these provisions by the models of citizenship presented above, the one-sidedness of European citizenship becomes visible. Reference is made only to rights of political participation and some of the civil rights--indeed, largely falling in the domain of fundamental human rights-of the traditional triad of citizenship rights. First and foremost of the European citizen's rights is the privilege to move and reside freely anywhere on the territory of the Union. This right is also necessary for smooth operation of the internal market (d'Oliveira 1995).

On the other hand, social/welfare rights are not mentioned in the citizenship provisions (although the social provisions of the Treaty grant the citizen a right to enjoy the social security of the residence country, provided that the person does not form a burden to that country). In addition to democratic deficit, the EU has been accused of a social deficit:[7] social citizenship rights are not universally safeguarded on the Community level. Social rights have been promoted only as means to support economic integration. According to O'Leary (1995), the economic basic tone of integration has left the granting of social citizenship rights only to economically active individuals-employees, service producers, and job-seekers (apart from the United Kingdom, which has not signed the "Social Chapter" of the Maastricht Treaty). Rights of nonproductive individuals (students, retired people, and other economically inactive people) are limited by the clause that these groups must be covered by sickness insurance and have sufficient resources to avoid becoming a burden on the social assistance of the host member state during their period of residence (ibid., pp. 172-73).

Obviously, the two additional dimensions brought forward by Heater (virtue and identity), or the two elements of Wiener's citizenship practice (access and belonging) receive no attention, either.

"Citizen" is a normative concept and denotes the relationship between an individual and a state (national citizenship) or between an EU member-state national and the Union (European citizenship). It can be used to point out the significance of EU actions and policies for the everyday life of Europeans, or to reflect the view of the EU policy makers on the proper nature of European inhabitants.

"European citizenship"--while lacking a constitutional position until the Maastricht Treaty--first appeared in Community parlance in the early 1970s. Since then it has gained an increasingly prominent position. The concept started to figure more frequently in the People's Europe project from the mid-1980s. Free movement was among the first of the European citizens' rights to be promoted. The specific concerns of the 1990s have included "bringing the Union closer to its citizens while making it more open and transparent," subsidiarity and simplifying existing legislation, the right of protection in nonmember counties, the right of petition and access to the ombudsman, and a commitment to human rights and fundamental freedoms (which in Europe is largely confined to combating racism and xenophobia).

European citizenship is a future-oriented concept. During the 1990s it has been presented as something that already exists in an embryonic form, but that has to be strengthened and developed further: European citizens in the real sense of the word are being created. In the 1990s the EU organs have assumed a more active role of "shaping future citizens." Europeans must be equipped to play their part in shaping the Union and to pursue individual fulfillment and a good life in the European context. It has been increasingly recognized that the Union has a duty to promote the general material and cultural well-being of people, in addition to safeguarding some specific fights. As it has been expressed, "The importance of the TEU citizenship provisions lies not in their content but rather in the promise they hold for the future. The concept is a dynamic one, capable of being added to or strengthened, but not diminished" (O'Keeffe 1994).

6. Conceptions of European citizenship in EU education policy discourses

For the purposes of a larger research project, the texts of the main education-policy statements published in 1970-95 by the European Commission, Council of Ministers, the European Parliament, and the Economic and Social Committee were analyzed. Among other things, the EU education-policy discourses were searched for references to "European citizenship" and the meanings attached to this concept. Education is a prime vehicle for inculcation of the values of citizenship--whether national or European. Thus, an insight into the views of EU education-policy makers on the proper nature of European citizenship and the role of education in promoting it is of paramount importance.

In EU educational discourses, European citizenship has been used in two broad senses. First, it forms a very general expression, which is used to give an air of respectability and general beneficiality to common European measures. Second, it may be used to display certain desirable characteristics of Europeans. Five broad sets of meanings given to the concept can be distinguished from the educational policy statements.

1. European citizenship as recognition of common European heritage

The oldest and most widely used conception of European citizenship refers to "belonging to Europe," or identification with the European Union. pean citizenship would comprise both an awareness oftransnational communality, a will to belong to this whole, and activities in favor of this. These would lead to a process toward ever greater communication, cohesion, interaction, and understanding between the European peoples. European citizenship is often regarded as arising from shared history and cultural heritage, and historical affinities and similarities between the peoples of Europe.[8] As often, however, this feeling of citizenship is regarded as only being formed, not least through conscious effort to expand educational cooperation. Education should revitalize the European awareness of Europeans.

In spite of the wide diversity of national traditions, the existence of cultural unity within Europe is a fact that is nowhere called into question, but that in the law of the Member States of the Community only makes its presence felt in sporadic and feeble fashion. One expression of this cultural unity is the university, which is an institution common to all the member states and in particular the primary means of transmitting professional skills that are provided via courses of training of comparable level in each of the member states. (COM (85), p. 355)

This conception of European citizenship emerged already in the early 1970s. It was associated with the prevailing euro-optimism, and the related desire to move into a European Union by the end of the decade. Ample reference to European citizenship was made in the "Tindemans report" on political union, compiled by the Belgian Prime Minister Leop Tindemans. The idea was "forgotten" during the economic recession and ensuing "eurosclerosis" of the late 1980s. However, it was revitalized in the mid-1980s "People's Europe" project.[9]

2. European citizenship as loyalty to the European Union

Second, European citizenship has been used to refer to awareness of the significance of the European Union, that is, the cognitive and emotive attachment of people to the integration project at hand. Very often, this is regarded as involving enhanced public knowledge on the institutions and operation of the EU. This conception of European citizenship has existed from the 1970s, but became more popular in the mid-1980s, as concern over low voting rates in elections of the European Parliament was widespread. This followed a realization that the intergovernmental phase of integration had passed for good, and reflected a concern about the diminishing popular support to European integration. The following quotation is from the September 1985 conclusions of "the Council and Ministers for Education" on the significance of the European dimension in education:

The ever-closer union among the peoples of Europe that is called for by the Treaty establishing the European Economic Community can only be achieved on the basis of the citizens' understanding of political, social, and cultural life in other member states. They must also be well informed on the goals of European integration and the European Community's means of action. Teaching about dimension is therefore part and parcel of the education of the future citizens of Europe. (CEC 1987, pp. 143--44) 3. European citizenship as a right of free movement

As has already been suggested, European citizenship is often referred to as a right to move freely across national frontiers. Freedoms of movement and of establishment have been the civil rights receiving the largest attention since the mid-1980s, and they are mentioned first in the Maastricht Treaty. However, this is in a way the most banal conception of the European citizenship, since it is inseparable from the capacity to operate on the Single Market, and thus to contribute to the international competitiveness of the EU. In fact, Europeans are often referred to as "workers and citizens." In addition, proficiency in several European languages often portrayed as the basis of European citizenship--permits effective exploitation of the possibilities of the single (labor) market. This rationale is in a way epitomized in the concept of "open European area for education and training."

The growth of the Community's education and training programs has coincided with mounting interest in the development of a concept of "a People's Europe." The idea and practice of European citizenship is reflected in and supported by the kind of experience they offer; they are themselves instruments of free circulation and examples of the recognition of European diversity. They offer experience of the reality of European union and unity: the free movement of people, ideas, and products." (COM (93), p. 151) 4. European citizenship as political participation

Sometimes, although rarely, European citizens are also addressed through their right to control the democratically elected political institutions and participate critically in public life. This view has been promoted especially by the European Parliament. The Parliament was elected for the first time by a direct universal suffrage in 1979. Since then, the European Parliament has used the need of European citizens to learn more about the operation of the Union as legitimation for enhancing educational cooperation--something toward which it has been very favorably disposed over the past three decades.

It seems that the political dimension of European citizenship is most visible in statements concerning the merging cooperation in general education. During the "euro-optimistic" period of the early 1970s, both the European Parliament and other Community institutions presented statements on creating a common European model of civics education. However, due to the sensitiveness of the issue, nothing in the manner of a common curriculum could be agreed on.

Nevertheless, the EU has issued several resolutions on the content of primary- and secondary-school curricula. The current Socrates/Comenius subprogram supports European cooperation between schools. Most cooperation projects focus on certain "European" themes. They are intended to improve knowledge of foreign languages and cultures, and to add a "European dimension" in teaching.

Education about the Community and Europe must be provided in schools, both as a nucleus of common content in the various schools curricula and as a vital body of knowledge enabling European citizens to freely exercise their political rights of control and critical participation. (OJ C 87/1982) 5. European citizenship as "active citizenship"'

In the late 1980s the EU institutions have increasingly begun to claim that European citizens must possess some specific characteristics, citizens' virtues. For example, the new tone was present in the proposal for Lingua, calling for greater measures to enhance the linguistic capabilities of citizens and workers. In the framework of EU youth policies, the concept "active citizenship" was introduced by the Commission in the beginning of 1990s-and later adopted by all EU institutions. According to the emerging conception, young people should now take more responsibility for their own success. References to European citizens' responsibilities have emerged.

During the 1990s, European citizenship has increasingly been depicted through the virtues of (1) sense of initiative, (2) creativity, and (3) active participation. The ideal future citizen is a well-educated, productive, linguistically able, and self-conscious "survivor," who would contribute toward a full, rich, and active life for the whole society. It is hoped that through helping citizens to "reach their full potential," the internal--and as a result of this the external--competitiveness of European economies would improve. This conception of citizenship was present in the documents concerning the current EU education policies Leonardo,[10] Socrates, and Youth for Europe III[11]--established in 1995. Later that year, the Commission issued a White Paper on Teaching and Learning. In this document, the changing nature of work and social environment was seen as demanding better education and active self-improvement from active European citizens. This would also include intensifying competition based on skill levels.

The individual's place in relation to fellow citizens will increasingly be determined by the capacity to learn and master fundamental knowledge.... The position of everyone in relation to their fellow citizens in the context of knowledge and skills will therefore be decisive. This relative position, which could be called the "learning relationship," will become an increasingly dominant feature in the structure of our societies." (CEC 1995) 7. Conclusion

This paper has approached the education-policy discourses produced by the EU organs as ideological statements, which are addressed to makers of national education policies. These statements seek to promote a certain image of European citizenship in the member states. Ultimately, the EU organs try to influence the prevailing institutionalized view on education and its functions. The EU education-policy discourses suggest that next to inculcating the values and virtues of national citizenship, European citizens should be cognitively equipped to operate in the new, wider economic and political environment created by European integration.

"European citizenship" is a diffuse concept with multiple uses. It can pertain either to citizens' rights, factual access to resources guaranteed by these rights, or identification with Europe and the European Union. The conception of citizenship promoted in EU discourses is one-sided in the sense that the only citizens' rights commonly mentioned are the fight of free movement and the fight for quality education. There are no references to more general civil rights or to social welfare rights, apart from sporadic allusions presented by the European Parliament.

The principle of free movement is also a prerequisite for the smooth operation of the Single Market. The balance between economic integration and construction of European citizenship is largely a question of conceptualization. As Meehan (1993, p. 9) has pointed out, measures to promote economic growth can be reinterpreted as citizens' rights--producing mobile labor force can be redefined as helping citizens make use of their right of free mobility. Language competence required by economic life can be reconceptualized as a vehicle for greater understanding between European peoples.

The conception increasingly promoted in EU education policy is that of "active citizenship," which suggests delegating responsibility for individual success and fulfillment for citizens themselves. According to the emerging discourse, the postwar welfare state project has limited the freedom of individuals, making them dependent on the fights and entitlements granted by the state. It is claimed that this situation must now be aided by education geared to promoting a capability of initiative and competitiveness. Indeed, some of the catch phrases of EU social- and education-policy statements-such as "enterprise," "freedom," and "capability of taking initiative"--did figure prominently in Thatcherist parlance (Close 1995, pp. 45-50).

Notes

1. In the Maastricht Treaty, EC was incorporated into the European Union as one of its pillars. For the sake of simplicity, the concept European Union (EU) will be used hereafter throughout this paper.

• 2. "European Scheme for Exchange of University Students." Erasmus was launched in 1987 and since 1995 it has operated as the higher education chapter of the EU's Socrates program.
• 3. Lingua, the EU program for development of training in foreign languages, was adopted 28 July 1989.
• 4. Socrates, "The European Community Action Program for Cooperation in the Field of Education," was adopted by the Council of Ministers 14 March 1995.
• 5. According to Guibernau (1996, p. 55), the French revolution created "the first comprehensive system of national education to raise new generations of virtuous and patriotic citizens." Only a common education, it was felt, could realize the unity of the fatherland and the union of its citizens.
• 6. Political rights are often deemed primary, for they enable individuals to demand other rights.
• 7. The foot-dragging of social rights can be attributed to at least three factors. First, the basic goal of integration has been to create an efficient market area. Social security has not been perceived as an inherent part of this market-creation. Second, the constitutional powers of the Community were for a long time meager in this area (although it has been argued that the letter and spirit of the Treaty of Rome has not inhibited the progressive expansion of EU education policy, for instance). Third, there has existed disagreement over the exact role the social rights should have in increasing the Community's legitimacy.
• 8. The plurality of historical bases is a key component of the European ideal. It is often perceived that European cultures host unity in diversity: they form a common civilization that nevertheless is tolerant toward different local and regional cultures.
• 9. Two reports on People's Europe were commissioned by the European Council in 1984 and adopted a year later in Milan. Especially the second of the "Adonnino reports" concerned special rights of citizens--including education on European issues.
• 10. Leonardo da Vinci is "an action program for the implementation of a European Community vocational training policy." It was adopted by the Council of Ministers on 6 December 1994.
• 11. Youth for Europe supports youth exchanges, youth initiatives, and cooperation between national structures responsible for youth policy, among other actions.

European Education, vol. 32, no. 2, Summer 2000, pp. 6-21.

(C) 2001 M.E. Sharpe, Inc. All rights reserved.

ISSN 1056-4934/2001 $9.50 + 0.00.

This paper was originally presented 29 March 1998 at the Annual Finnish Symposium of Sociology, Jyvaskla, based on work toward a Ph.D. degree on EU education policy and Europeanization of Finnish higher education policy.

The author is affiliated with the Centre for International Mobility, CIMO.

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By Aaro Ollikainen ditor